Goin’ South
September 29, 2008
Since when did Sarah Palin become Mike Huckabee?
The attacks on Sarah Palin by a number of prominent conservative pundits bear a striking resemblance to right-wing criticisms of the former Arkansas Governor at the height of his candidacy earlier this year. Both Palin and Huckabee have been accused of exploiting identity politics, pandering to ignorance and “extreme” religious faith, and giving the GOP a hostile, divisive image.
Huckabee’s greatest sin wasn’t that he gave a “redneck” image to the GOP, but that he was truly conservative only on the issues of abortion and same-sex marriage. It was sad that his candidacy became a culture-war flashpoint within the GOP—and it’s even sadder that the same thing has happened with Palin.
Conservatives who dislike Palin all seem to have the same thing in common: a disdain for what they regard as “southern-fried conservatism”, the sort of populism associated with figures such as Rush Limbaugh and James Dobson. Limbaugh and Dobson’s strong support of Palin clearly has much to do with the intense scorn she has faced from the right’s pundit class.
The anti-Palin right doesn’t fundamentally understand why she is so admired by “movement conservatives.” It’s not their fault; many of these pundits were not raised in the South or Midwest, thus they are totally divorced from the cultural reasons behind Palin worship.
Palin is seen by “movement conservatives” as a non-elite elite, for lack of a better term. They think it’s admirable that she has come as far as she has without family connections or an Ivy League education. She embodies the common-sense vision that they (accurately) believe was forced out of Washington decades ago. They think it’s terrific that someone of such strong Christian faith could be in such a strong position in such a secularized political/cultural era.
Anti-Palin conservative pundits miss the religious angle—which is, again, understandable. These pundits tend not to think in “culture-war” terms (though they generally agree with “movement conservatives” on the major social issues). These pundits are primarily concerned with economic and defense matters—and they feel Palin doesn’t measure up vis-à-vis these issues.
These pundits generally disliked Huckabee for the same reason: Huckabee was solid on the “culture-war” stuff and weak on almost everything else. They were stunned by Huckabee’s strong support among “values voters”; “values voters”, of course, regarded their anti-Huckabee brethren as scornful snobs.
The ideological segregation between Democrats and Republicans in America is intense, but it’s almost rivaled in its strength by the sub-segregation between secular-minded conservatives and religious conservatives. The conservative pundit class has a fairly large number of secular-minded conservatives, those who went to the major universities and who share some of the left’s cultural unease with the so-called “Jesusland” segment of the US. Religious conservatives, especially those in the South and Midwest, are equally suspicious of the pundit class, viewing them as being more interested in money and the military than in morality.
This sub-segregation leads to many idiotic charges and counter-charges on both sides. Can’t both sides agree that Sarah Palin is a highly intelligent, highly accomplished woman? Can’t both sides agree that the Republican Party cannot win elections without cultivating support from the very people who think Palin is the best thing since Reagan? Can’t both sides also agree that religious conservatives alone cannot guarantee GOP success, and that the party must also appeal to those who share the vision of the secular-minded conservative pundit class?
Things will get very nasty on the right if McCain and Palin lose—and even if the “McPalin” ticket wins, there’s no guarantee that ideological tensions won’t threaten to destroy the party during McCain’s term. The anti-Palin right won’t suddenly get in line if she becomes Vice President: these pundits will likely scrutinize her every word and move for signs of incompetence. They will in turn face more opprobrium from “movement conservatives”, thus worsening the already deep divisions on the right.
If McCain and Palin come up short on Election Day, these pundits will likely argue that Palin’s presence on the ticket drove away independents and moderates; in response, “movement conservatives” will accuse them of boldface lying, pointing to McCain’s own inadequacies as a candidate to explain away a loss. One way or another, the next four years will be controversial, and possibly painful, for the conservative movement.
One wishes for a way to reduce the anger that both sides of the right feel toward each other. One wishes in vain.
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